Suchergebnisse

Devletlerin yönetim anlayışları tarihi süreç içerisinde elde ettikleri birikim ve karşılaşılan diğer devletlerin etkisi ile olgunlaşır. Günümüz devlet geleneklerini ve bu geleneklerde etkili olan faktörleri anlamak için tarihi sürecin irdelenmesi gerekmektedir. Binlerce yıllık Türk tarihinde de devlet anlayışı zaman içerisinde olgunlaşmış ve günümüze gelmiştir. Türk devlet geleneği üzerinde etkili olan devlet anlayışlarından biri de Fars medeniyeti olmuştur. Büyük Selçuklu Devleti kuruluş döneminde iki farklı millet ve medeniyetin yönetim anlamında birbirinden neden ve ne şekilde etkilendiğinin izah edilmesi hedeflenen bu çalışmada, Türklerin ve Farslıların milli özellikleri de incelenmiştir. Tarihte imparatorluk hüviyetine sahip ilk devlet olan Persler ve Orta Asya göçebe toplumu döneminden başlayarak Türklerin, toplumun devlet aygıtına bakışı kapsamında ve devletin ayakta kalması adına uygulamaları ele alınmış, netice itibariyle aralarındaki benzerlikler ortaya konulmuştur. Coğrafi alanın ortaklığı gibi farklı etmenler ışığında oluşan kültürel etkileşimin kuruluş dönemi Büyük Selçuklu Devleti'nden günümüz Türkiye'sine kadar uzanan ve ortak ve kadim İslam medeniyetinin etkisi ile Türkiye – İran ilişkileri üzerine değerlendirmeler yapılmıştır.

The first constitution of the Ottoman-Turkish Empire was adopted in 1876 - the Kânûn-i Esâsî (Eng. Fundamental Law). In its history, Turkey has had four constitutions. They were adopted in 1921, 1924, 1961, and 1982, with the latter being presently in force. Nowadays, the creation of a new constitution is the main issue on Turkey's political agenda. The government of Turkey and Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan want to amend the constitution, and envisage creating an executive presidential sys¬tem (Tur. Ba§kanlik sistemi), similar to that of the Russian Federation and the United States. Critics are concerned about what Recep Tayyip Erdogan's motivation may be. This article analyzes the histori¬cal roots of the constitution, its amendments, the presidential system in Turkey and the arguments of the Republican People's Party (CHP) and Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) against the adoption of a presidential system. The key issues that the authors address are the changes that could be made under Turkey's new constitution and whether all political power would be concentrated in president's hands. ; Pierwsza konstytucja Imperium Osmańskiego uchwalona została w 1876 r. - Kanun-i Esasi (pol. ustawa zasadnicza). Cztery tureckie konstytucje przyjmowano kolejno w latach: 1921, 1924, 1961, i 1982 r. Priorytetowym zadaniem i zarazem najważniejszą kwestią ustrojową dla tureckiego rządu i prezydenta Recepa Tayyipa Erdogana było przygotowanie rewizji obowiązującej konstytucji zakładającej wprowadzenie systemu prezydenckiego (tur. Baękanhksistemi), na wzór modelu obowiązującego w Federacji Rosyjskiej czy w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Celem artykułu jest omówienie historycznych korzeni konstytucji Republiki Turcji. Autorzy analizują wprowadzone do ustawy zasadniczej poprawki, omawiając przy tym kształt tureckiego systemu prezydenckiego. Ponadto w niniejszym opracowaniu przedstawiono argumenty przeciwników reformy systemu politycznego w Turcji podnoszone przez zwolenników Republikańskiej Partii Ludowej (CHP) oraz Demokratycznej Partii Ludowej. Celem artykułu jest również analiza zmian, które stanowią efekt ostatniej reformy konstytucyjnej w Turcji. Rozważania koncentrują się także wokół odpowiedzi na pytanie o zakres rzeczywistej władzy prezydenckiej R. T. Erdogana.

The first constitution of the Ottoman-Turkish Empire was adopted in 1876 – the Kânûn-ı Esâsî (Eng. Fundamental Law). In its history, Turkey has had four constitutions. They were adopted in 1921, 1924, 1961, and 1982, with the latter being presently in force. Nowadays, the creation of a new constitution is the main issue on Turkey's political agenda. The government of Turkey and Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan want to amend the constitution, and envisage creating an executive presidential system (Tur. Başkanlık sistemi), similar to that of the Russian Federation and the United States. Critics are concerned about what Recep Tayyip Erdogan's motivation may be. This article analyzes the historical roots of the constitution, its amendments, the presidential system in Turkey and the arguments of the Republican People's Party (CHP) and Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) against the adoption of a presidential system. The key issues that the authors address are the changes that could be made under Turkey's new constitution and whether all political power would be concentrated in president's hands.

On 29 March 2017, President of the European Council Donald Tusk received a note from UK Ambassador Tim Barrow. Under the document, the procedure of UK's leaving of the European Union was initiated.1 Gideon Rachman from "Financial Times" compared Brexit to a divorce, stating that the representative of the British government "granted the divorce papers", thus beginning a "long (planned for two years) attempt to redefine mutual relations" (Rozpoczyna się Brexit…, 2017). In his announcement for the press, Donald Tusk commented: "There is no reason to pretend that this is a lucky day, both in Brussels and in London […] Most Europeans, including almost a half of British voters, would prefer us to be still together" (Wielka Brytania rozpoczyna…, 2017). The stance of the European Council clearly mirrors the moods caused by the decision on Brexit, which are prevailing among all EU member states. It should be noted, however, that leaving the EU by the Brits not only has an impact on their political situation, but it also determines the actions of states aspiring to become members of the Community. The aim of this paper is to discuss the reasons for Brexit and to present the position of the Turkish government on this issue on the basis of the analysis of press articles and politicians' speeches. The hypothesis we posed assumes that Brexit meant Turkey losing its most important advocate in the Union. Thus, the future of accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union has been called into question. One should also wonder to what degree Turkey's foreign policy priorities, which have already been redefined under the influence of the war in Syria, the battle with ISIS, the immigration crisis and the futile accession process so far, will be affected by the United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union. Will Turkey choose to follow the so-called Trexit route, giving up its membership in the EU?

On 29 March 2017, President of the European Council Donald Tusk received a note from UK Ambassador Tim Barrow. Under the document, the procedure of UK's leaving of the European Union was initiated.1 Gideon Rachman from "Financial Times" compared Brexit to a divorce, stating that the representative of the British government "granted the divorce papers", thus beginning a "long (planned for two years) attempt to redefine mutual relations" (Rozpoczyna się Brexit…, 2017). In his announcement for the press, Donald Tusk commented: "There is no reason to pretend that this is a lucky day, both in Brussels and in London […] Most Europeans, including almost a half of British voters, would prefer us to be still together" (Wielka Brytania rozpoczyna…, 2017). The stance of the European Council clearly mirrors the moods caused by the decision on Brexit, which are prevailing among all EU member states. It should be noted, however, that leaving the EU by the Brits not only has an impact on their political situation, but it also determines the actions of states aspiring to become members of the Community. The aim of this paper is to discuss the reasons for Brexit and to present the position of the Turkish government on this issue on the basis of the analysis of press articles and politicians' speeches. The hypothesis we posed assumes that Brexit meant Turkey losing its most important advocate in the Union. Thus, the future of accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union has been called into question. One should also wonder to what degree Turkey's foreign policy priorities, which have already been redefined under the influence of the war in Syria, the battle with ISIS, the immigration crisis and the futile accession process so far, will be affected by the United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union. Will Turkey choose to follow the so-called Trexit route, giving up its membership in the EU? ; 29 marca 2017 r. szef Rady Europejskiej Donald Tusk otrzymał od brytyjskiego ambasadora Tima Barrowa pismo, które uruchamia zapisaną w artykule 50 traktatu lizbońskiego procedurę wystąpienia Wielkiej Brytanii z Unii Europejskiej. Gideon Rachman z "Financial Times" porównał Brexit z rozwodem, stwierdzając, że przedstawiciel rządu brytyjskiego w Brukseli "wręczył papiery rozwodowe" i tym samym zapoczątkował "długotrwałą (na razie zaplanowaną na ponad dwa lata) próbę poukładania sobie stosunków na nowo". Z kolei w oświadczeniu dla prasy D. Tusk skomentował to wydarzenie w następujący sposób: "Nie ma powodu, żeby udawać, że to szczęśliwy dzień, zarówno w Brukseli, jak i Londynie […] Większość Europejczyków, włączając w to prawie połowę brytyjskich głosujących, wolałaby, żebyśmy zostali razem". Z całą pewnością stanowisko RE odzwierciedla nastroje wywołane przez decyzję o Brexicie, które są i będą odczuwalne dla wszystkich państw członkowskich Wspólnoty. Warto jednak zauważyć, że opuszczenie przez Brytyjczyków UE oddziałuje nie tylko na sytuację polityczną ich samych, ale także określa działania władz państw aspirujących do członkostwa we Wspólnocie. Celem niniejszego artykułu nie jest omówienie powodów Brexitu, ale zaprezentowanie postawy tureckiego rządu. W tym kontekście na podstawie analizy artykułów prasowych oraz wystąpień polityków omówiona zostanie prawdopodobna strategia Ankary. Teza, którą postawiliśmy, zakłada, że wraz z Brexitem Turcja straciła jedyne poparcie na drodze wejścia do Unii Europejskiej. Turcja zaczyna nowy etap w stosunkach między UE i Wielką Brytanią. Należy się również zastanowić, jak Turcja postrzega i ocenia prowadzoną obecnie politykę zewnętrzną, zredefiniowaną przez trwający konflikt w Syrii, walkę z ISIS i problem imigracyjny, oraz bezcelowość procesu prowadzącego do opuszczenia Unii Europejskiej przez Wielką Brytanię. Jaki będzie kierunek tureckiej polityki zagranicznej w relacjach z Zachodem? Czy Turcja odejdzie od statusu kandydata unijnego (tzw. Turexit)?

29 marca 2017 r. szef Rady Europejskiej Donald Tusk otrzymał od brytyjskiego ambasadora Tima Barrowa pismo, które uruchamia zapisaną w artykule 50 traktatu lizbońskiego procedurę wystąpienia Wielkiej Brytanii z Unii Europejskiej. Gideon Rachman z "Financial Times" porównał Brexit z rozwodem, stwierdzając, że przedstawiciel rządu brytyjskiego w Brukseli "wręczył papiery rozwodowe" i tym samym zapoczątkował "długotrwałą (na razie zaplanowaną na ponad dwa lata) próbę poukładania sobie stosunków na nowo". Z kolei w oświadczeniu dla prasy D. Tusk skomentował to wydarzenie w następujący sposób: "Nie ma powodu, żeby udawać, że to szczęśliwy dzień, zarówno w Brukseli, jak i Londynie […] Większość Europejczyków, włączając w to prawie połowę brytyjskich głosujących, wolałaby, żebyśmy zostali razem". Z całą pewnością stanowisko RE odzwierciedla nastroje wywołane przez decyzję o Brexicie, które są i będą odczuwalne dla wszystkich państw członkowskich Wspólnoty. Warto jednak zauważyć, że opuszczenie przez Brytyjczyków UE oddziałuje nie tylko na sytuację polityczną ich samych, ale także określa działania władz państw aspirujących do członkostwa we Wspólnocie. Celem niniejszego artykułu nie jest omówienie powodów Brexitu, ale zaprezentowanie postawy tureckiego rządu. W tym kontekście na podstawie analizy artykułów prasowych oraz wystąpień polityków omówiona zostanie prawdopodobna strategia Ankary. Teza, którą postawiliśmy, zakłada, że wraz z Brexitem Turcja straciła jedyne poparcie na drodze wejścia do Unii Europejskiej. Turcja zaczyna nowy etap w stosunkach między UE i Wielką Brytanią. Należy się również zastanowić, jak Turcja postrzega i ocenia prowadzoną obecnie politykę zewnętrzną, zredefiniowaną przez trwający konflikt w Syrii, walkę z ISIS i problem imigracyjny, oraz bezcelowość procesu prowadzącego do opuszczenia Unii Europejskiej przez Wielką Brytanię. Jaki będzie kierunek tureckiej polityki zagranicznej w relacjach z Zachodem? Czy Turcja odejdzie od statusu kandydata unijnego (tzw. Turexit)? ; On 29 March 2017, President of the European Council Donald Tusk received a note from UK Ambassador Tim Barrow. Under the document, the procedure of UK's leaving of the European Union was initiated.1 Gideon Rachman from "Financial Times" compared Brexit to a divorce, stating that the representative of the British government "granted the divorce papers", thus beginning a "long (planned for two years) attempt to redefine mutual relations" (Rozpoczyna się Brexit…, 2017). In his announcement for the press, Donald Tusk commented: "There is no reason to pretend that this is a lucky day, both in Brussels and in London […] Most Europeans, including almost a half of British voters, would prefer us to be still together" (Wielka Brytania rozpoczyna…, 2017). The stance of the European Council clearly mirrors the moods caused by the decision on Brexit, which are prevailing among all EU member states. It should be noted, however, that leaving the EU by the Brits not only has an impact on their political situation, but it also determines the actions of states aspiring to become members of the Community. The aim of this paper is to discuss the reasons for Brexit and to present the position of the Turkish government on this issue on the basis of the analysis of press articles and politicians' speeches. The hypothesis we posed assumes that Brexit meant Turkey losing its most important advocate in the Union. Thus, the future of accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union has been called into question. One should also wonder to what degree Turkey's foreign policy priorities, which have already been redefined under the influence of the war in Syria, the battle with ISIS, the immigration crisis and the futile accession process so far, will be affected by the United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union. Will Turkey choose to follow the so-called Trexit route, giving up its membership in the EU?

Turkey has the honor of being the first modern, secular state in a predominantly Muslim Middle East. From 1968–1971, the Turkish armed forces played a critical role in the political formation of modern Turkey, contributing to a watershed moment in Turkish history as the country's youth began to split between the ideological left and the right. The country was in a state of chaos as of January 1971. Turkish universities closed their doors and students formed groups of urban guerrillas, robbing banks and targeting Americans for kidnappings. "Young Turks" as they were known, grew dramatically in strength, registering the most strikes between January 1 and March 12, 1971. Consequently, a Turkish military intervention came as no surprise to most people in the country at that time. This article analyzes the Republic of Turkey's leftist youth movement from 1968 to 1971.

There are still a lot of things to be told about the history of Polish – Turkish relations. The preparations for the 600th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Poland and Turkey were the opportunity to fill blank spaces in this sphere. The book lays the ground and paves the way for further more detailed and illuminating research. The book is a compilation of articles written by scholars, politicians and other experts from Poland and Turkey. The three editors, who are very knowledgeable in this topic, have jointly prepared a comparative analysis of Turkey and the EU. There are eight separate articles in the book. They put emphasis on the European Union and Turkey with regard to issues of the Middle East.

On October 17, 2017, President of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdoğan paid an official visit to Warsaw upon the invitation of the President of the Republic of Poland Andrzej Duda. The main subject of the talks was political, economic and cultural cooperation. Issues of security were also addressed. President Erdoğan had last visited Warsaw during the NATO summit on July 8–9, 2016. During the meeting in October, the two presidents signed five bilateral agreements. This paper provides an analysis of the effects of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's visit and prospects regarding the development of friendly relations between Poland and Turkey from Ankara's perspective. In the paper we applied the test analysis method, the historical method and the institutional and legal one. We pose a thesis that the aim of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's visit was to identify mutual relations in the economic, political and cultural dimension. According to the Turkish government, these relations are beneficial for both sides. What should be particularly important for Poland is the prospect of opening new cooperation opportunities in the economic sphere. Turkey, in turn, apart from defining the broad framework of business cooperation, is undoubtedly determined to find a partner which could be its ally in the European Union.